On Sunday, Israeli reporters entered southern Lebanon for the first time since hostilities with Hezbollah escalated last month, touring a newly established forward defense area in the village of Ayta ash-Shab under a fragile 10-day ceasefire announced by US President Donald Trump.
The visit marked the Israeli military’s public reestablishment of a buffer zone along the border, one that closely mirrors the security zone it held from 1985 to 2000 before withdrawing after 18 years of occupation. IDF commanders insist this iteration avoids the pitfalls of the past, emphasizing tactical necessity over territorial ambition.
Five divisions — totaling tens of thousands of troops — are currently operating in southern Lebanon to dismantle Hezbollah infrastructure and prevent direct fire on northern Israeli communities, according to military statements cited by both The Times of Israel and The Jerusalem Post.
Col. Arik Moyal of the Nahal Infantry Brigade told reporters the mission is straightforward: create a space where anti-tank guided missiles cannot threaten border towns like Shtula and Zarit, allowing residents to live without fear of attack.
While the IDF avoids the term “security zone” due to its historical baggage, preferring “forward defense area,” analysts and observers have noted the geographic overlap with the former occupation zone, raising questions about long-term intent.
The Jerusalem Post reported that the IDF’s released map includes a maritime buffer zone that absorbs the Qana prospect, sparking debate over whether energy resources are a hidden motive behind the military’s presence.
Elai Rettig of Bar-Ilan University countered claims of exploitable gas in Qana, noting TotalEnergies abandoned Block 9 in 2023 after finding no commercial reserves, though he pointed to Block 8 — just outside the mapped zone — as a potential future target for exploration.
Dünya Başol, a PhD student at Bar Ilan University, argued that even if Qana lacks gas, its inclusion in the buffer zone map suggests economic calculation, stating that wealthy states often use resource access to fund prolonged engagements.
The maritime aspect revives memories of the 2022 US-mediated deal that resolved a maritime border dispute, enabling offshore exploration after years of stalemate — an agreement now tested by Israel’s expanded operational footprint.
Diplomatic signaling remains muted, with Israeli officials indicating no imminent withdrawal and suggesting any broader deal with Lebanon hinges on Hezbollah’s disarmament, a condition Beirut has shown no willingness to meet without external incentives.
For now, the ceasefire holds, but the dual focus on security and resource-adjacent zones underscores how military operations in southern Lebanon are entangled with strategic and economic calculations that extend well beyond the immediate battlefield.
Why is Israel avoiding the term “security zone” for its current operations in Lebanon?
Israeli military officials avoid the term “security zone” to distance the current operation from the controversial 18-year occupation of southern Lebanon between 1982 and 2000, during which 675 IDF troops were killed, opting instead for “forward defense area” to frame the move as tactical rather than territorial.
Does the new buffer zone actually include Lebanon’s Qana gas field, and is there gas there to exploit?
The IDF’s map shows the maritime buffer zone absorbing the Qana gas field, but energy experts confirm TotalEnergies found no commercial reserves in Block 9 of Qana in 2023 and abandoned the site, though interest remains in nearby Block 8, which lies just outside the currently defined zone.